A Brief Analysis of the Bipartisan Framework for Comprehensive
Immigration Reform
A bipartisan group of eight
Senators have issued a document referred to as the “Bipartisan Framework for
Comprehensive Immigration Reform.” It purports
to set out principals for developing a compressive immigration reform
package. This is very significant in
that it is bipartisan, and involves key players in the past on the immigration
issue, including Senators Schumer, McCain, Durbin, Graham, and Menendez. It is significant also in that it is a
comprehensive proposal rather than the piece meal proposals that have been
debated over the past few years. The
last time Congress considered a comprehensive immigration reform package was in
the 2007-2008 congressional term, which was rejected, even though supported by
President Bush. In some ways this is a
better outline than we had in 2007 from an immigrant standpoint and I think
that partly reflects the reality of the last election.
If you recall, there was a strong
component in the GOP that took a very strict anti-immigrant position. It opposed the Dream Act, any amnesty or path
to legalization, and took a basically deportation first and enforce the borders
policy. Minorities, who are becoming a
larger voting block significantly, rejected this approach in the presidential election
(the GOP got only 21% of the Latino votes and less than that of the Asian
American vote).
In my opinion, Governor Romney
made a serious strategic mistake in enlisting for advice people like Kris
Kobach. The positions taken by the GOP
did much damage to perceptions of that political party and its attitude toward immigrants. It is unfortunate because historically that
was not necessarily the case. I am glad
to see Republican Senators like John McCain, Lindsey Graham and Marco Rubio
weighing in on immigration reform. At
least McCain and Graham have been supportive of some of the previous attempts
at immigration reform.
It is also evident now that the President
largely agrees with the principals laid out in the bipartisan framework, so
let’s see what those are.
There are four basic legislative
pillars.
1. Create a path to
citizenship for unauthorized immigrants contingent upon securing the border and
combating visa overstays.
Securing the Border. The
key words here are “contingent upon” and “securing the border.” The path to citizenship is going to wait
until there is confidence that the border has been secured. What this means will differ greatly in the
minds of many people. Not long ago
Secretary Napolitano indicated that she thought the border was the most secure
it had been ever in the U.S. history, which threw cries of outrage from
officials in Arizona. Others point out
that the benchmarks indicated in the 2007 legislation for securing the borders
have already been met. There are legitimate
concerns that in some peoples’ minds the border will never be secured and thus
the path to citizenship will never be implemented.
It all depends on how we define “securing
the border.” The Framework indicates a
committee or commission comprised of governors, attorneys general and community
leaders living along the southwest border to monitor the progress of securing
the border.
I am a bit apprehensive of this
since I am confident that Governor Jan Brewer of Arizona will never agree that
the border is secure as long as one person without authorization crosses
it. This is, of course, an impossible
standard to fulfill. That would be like
saying that Kansas City will not be a safe place to work and raise a family
until we can show that there is absolutely no crime in the city.
I think what also bothers me about
the way this is stated is that it almost implies that there is nothing being
done right now to secure the border.
That is absolutely not the case.
Congress spends more money securing our border than it has in its
history. We deported more people (most
of whom were non-criminal) last year than we ever have in our history and tens
of thousands of those people were non-criminal parents of U.S. citizens. Since the creation of the Department of
Homeland Security in 2003, the budget for Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) has
nearly doubled from $6 billion in fiscal year 2003 to $11.7 billion for fiscal
year 2012.
Nevertheless the Framework
proposes to increase efforts of the border patrol with a focus more on
technology such as drones rather than boots on the ground. The Framework also proposes completion of an
entry/exit system that can determine whether all persons entering the U.S. on
temporary visas at airports and seaports have left the country as required by
law.
Probationary Legal Status.
The Framework also indicates that while the security measures are being
put into place, they will require those who have come and remained in the U.S.
without permission to register with the government. This would involve a background check, paying
a fine, and back taxes in order to earn “probationary legal status.” The probationary legal status will allow them
to live and work legally in the U.S. (similar, I think, to what we have with the
beneficiaries of the “deferred action for childhood arrivals program”). People with serious criminal backgrounds or
who pose a threat to national security will be ineligible for legal status and
subject to deportation.
So although the probationary
status can be attained before there is a determination that the border is
secure, immigrants will not be eligible for a green card until that has taken
place.
Lawful probation immigrants will
not be eligible for federal public benefits.
To get the green card, they will have to “go to the back of the line of
prospective immigrants, pass an additional background check, pay taxes, learn
English and civics, demonstrate a history of work in the U.S. and current
employment, among other requirements……..”
This is a fairly high standard,
even higher than what we expect of persons naturalizing in the U.S. If an immigrant cannot show current
employment, will they not be eligible?
What about the elderly or disabled?
The “back of the line.”
Moreover, “go to the back of the line” is a very fuzzy concept. I am not sure what line they are referring
to. There are certainly mass backlogs in
visa number availability, but unless those numbers are increased by Congress
the wait could be decades.
And what line do they stand
in? There is no line for persons who
entered the U.S. without inspection and don’t have qualifying petitioning
relatives. The framework says that persons
present without lawful status “will only receive a green card after every
individual who is already waiting in line for a green card at the time the
legislations has acted and received their green card.”
Well, if you are the brother or
sister of a U.S. Citizen and you are from Mexico, the USCIS Ombudsman recently
estimated that the wait for the visa number to be available is 131 years. Does this mean that probationary immigrants
have to wait until all of those visas have been processed? If so, then I would not call this a “path to
citizenship” unless we are willing to award citizenship posthumously.
Regarding children, the Framework
does indicate that people that entered the U.S. as children will not have the
same requirements. This is recognizing
the principals of the Dream Act. The
Framework also intends to apply a lesser standard to people who have been
working in the agricultural industry, which reflects some of the principals of
the “Ag Jobs Act.” Neither the Dream Act
or Ag Jobs ever passed Congress.
2. Attracting the World’s Best
and Brightest.
Although the U.S. remains a magnet
for the world’s most talented people, our immigration system has done a lot to
discourage those people from coming in recent years. The Framework recognizes the long backlogs
and wants to do something about that although it is not clear what. One significant statement is that they want to
“award a green card to immigrants who have received a Ph.D., or Masters’ Degree
in Science, Technology, Engineering, or Math from an American university” (the “STEM”
fields). This was something similar to
what Governor Romney said in one of his campaign speeches.
That kind of provision would be a
tremendous benefit to U.S. employers who have trouble finding enough of the
particular kind of talent they need and to professionals waiting for
discouragingly long periods to complete the green card process (current
estimates for certain professionals from India may be 15-35 years). Many of our clients that have already have
been waiting years and years in line to get green cards that are in the STEM
fields could benefit greatly from such a proposition, although we have no
details on how it might work. For
example, would they have to show a job offer or just the diploma etc.?
3. Strong Employment
Verification. The Framework will
require a “fast and reliable” method for employers to confirm employment
eligibility for their workers. This
sounds reasonable, but so far this kind of program, such as e-verify, has been
a burden for employers and rife with errors.
Nevertheless, we can expect something like this to be required
eventually.
4. Hire lower skilled workers
in a timely manner when Americans are unavailable or unwilling to fill those
jobs.
This would be significant because
at the moment there is virtually no system for an employer legally to bring in
a lower skilled worker for a permanent position. That is primarily because of the
backlogs. An employer can go through the
process of testing the U.S. labor market and demonstrating that there are no
qualified and available U.S. workers for the position, and then still have to
wait ten years or more to bring that worker in.
That is not a workable system.
The Framework does indicate that
they want a system that will allow more lower skilled immigrants to come here
when the economy is creating jobs and fewer when the economy is not creating
jobs. This may sound appropriate, but
sometimes the infusion of additional workers in a stagnant economy will provide
a stimulus to the economy and actually create more jobs. I am not sure the economic principal stated
in the Framework actually holds up.
The Framework also indicates that
they want to “permit workers who have succeeded in the work place and
contributed to their communities over many years to earn green cards.” That is a good principal, but I am not sure
how it would work. Will this be
different than the probationary legalization?
Conclusion. Of course,
as in all things dealing with immigration, the devil will be in the details,
but I see this as a very promising start to immigration reform. Consider that only a couple of years ago Congress
could not even pass the Dream Act which is supported by a large percentage of
the American public. It is quite
astonishing and exciting then that we have gone from that low to the kind of
principals espoused in this Framework in such a short period of time. What a difference an election can make.
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